In a Republican county known as a cradle of border enforcement zeal, Costa Mesa has long been celebrated — and maligned — as a city that offered immigrants a generous embrace.
Though perhaps best known for its shopping mecca, South Coast Plaza, the city of 110,000 also spawned a soup kitchen, a long-running charity with a free medical and dental clinic and a pioneering day-labor center.
But in its treatment of its Latino residents, currently a third of the population, the city's heart has always been riven, a fissure more evident now than ever.
Last year, the city shut down the dayworker center after 17 years. It abolished its human relations committee after 18 years. And as the city now moves to train local police in immigration enforcement — the nation's first municipality to do so — it has become a flashpoint in a national debate.
Outsiders have rushed in, hailing or condemning the city's efforts. There are demonstrations at City Hall, shouting matches, floods of e-mails, threats of a boycott. But nowhere is the turmoil felt more keenly than in the city's heavily Latino Westside.
"Everybody's afraid," said Sherry Chavez, 23, a day-care worker and mother of two, as she pushed her baby stroller toward her Shalimar Drive apartment. "They're scared to go out of their houses. I have family that don't have papers, and they're scared of taking their children to school."
Chavez grew up in the city's barrios and considered Costa Mesa a nice town, blessed by sunshine and ocean breezes. Since police blocked off her street with concrete pylons a few years back to stymie drug traffic, it has also felt like a safe place to raise children.
Now, she said, the city seems meaner, less like home. Mayor Allan Mansoor insists his immigration plan, if implemented, will target only serious criminals. But Chavez and many others are convinced that roundups of undocumented workers — and the potential harassment of Latinos in general — are imminent.
A few miles from Chavez's block, in a neighborhood of modest tract homes called College Park, another longtime resident worries the city he loves is slipping away.
Ken Rasmussen, 64, a retired restaurateur, moved to Costa Mesa in 1968 and had his two children attend the public schools. He wouldn't do it now; he thinks an unchecked influx of Latino immigrants has ruined the schools.
"All of a sudden, it isn't the same city," Rasmussen said. "I want my city back."
The hubbub mirrors much broader anxieties. Like California, Costa Mesa is an increasingly diverse and expensive place to live. Costa Mesa's Latino population has grown to about a third of the total, with blacks and Asians accounting for about 10%.
The city flourished after World War II, drawing troops from a military base in the city and workers from the Boeing plant in adjacent Huntington Beach and absorbing part of the white flight from Los Angeles.
Today, along with its high-end mall and its teeming Westside, the city features pockets of million-dollar homes, a symphony orchestra, a respected theater and a 3,000-seat Performing Arts Center.
"It's one of the most split-personality cities I've ever seen," said former Mayor Peter Buffa. "If you're south of the 405, it's a small-town community. If you're north of the 405, it's one of the most vibrant commercial areas in the country."
The city is wedged between two radically different cultures. To the north is predominantly Latino Santa Ana, with many low-income and crowded neighborhoods. "Guess what's coming south," said Rasmussen, worried his city increasingly resembles its northern neighbor. "Guess what's coming this way."
To Costa Mesa's south is wealthy, showy Newport Beach, with beachfront mansions and a harbor full of yachts. Costa Mesa's median home price in 2005 was more than $710,000, but in Newport Beach the median topped $1.5 million.
Costa Mesa means "coastal tableland," and the city seal features a sailboat on picturesque blue water. Yet although it is cooled by the ocean breeze, it has no coast, no docks. Those are in Newport Beach.
What Costa Mesa has are high-profile charities, such as Share Our Selves. All week long, immigrants stream in for medical care, clothes and bags of groceries — workers who clean the city's big houses, keep its yards hedged and oil the gears of its humming economy. They know the 36-year-old charity is a friendly place that won't ask about their citizenship.
The charity helped forge Costa Mesa's incongruous reputation as "a city with a heart" — to use the words of a former county supervisor — in a county that has been a caldron of border-enforcement sentiment. Orange County was the birthplace of Proposition 187, the 1994 ballot initiative that sought to curb public services for illegal immigrants. And it is the home of Jim Gilchrist, cofounder of the Minuteman Project citizen patrol.
To some Costa Mesa residents, the immigrant-friendly facilities were a drain. "Costa Mesa has always been super socially liberal, always wanting to take care of anybody who comes down the street," said Roger Carlson, a retired sportswriter who lived in Costa Mesa for 40 years. "You feel sorry for them, but does one city have to take care of them?"
Latinos live throughout the city, and in some crowded Westside neighborhoods around the intersection of West 19th Street and Placentia Avenue, they are the vast majority. Mayor Mansoor said he does not know how many people are living in the city illegally, but he pointed to statistics showing that of Orange County Jail's average daily population of 6,000, about 10% are illegal immigrants.
For decades, Costa Mesa's treatment of its swelling immigrant population has ranged from warm receptiveness to icy suspicion.
In 1989, amid cries that Share Our Selves was a beacon for crime and illegal immigrants, the city evicted the charity from its original site in a residential neighborhood, and it reopened elsewhere.
The next year, the city had a headline-grabbing spat with Jack Kemp, then secretary of Housing and Urban Development. The City Council had decided to bar HUD grant money from agencies that assisted illegal immigrants, but Kemp called the policy "un-American" and issued an order against it.
Costa Mesa has never had a Latino council member. Council members are elected citywide, rather than by district, diluting Latino voting power. Just over 10% of its registered voters have Spanish surnames.
The city's treatment of immigrants is regularly determined by a single vote on a divided council. Last year, with a series of 3-2 votes, the council shut down the job center, which was intended to prevent loitering by day laborers; abolished the human relations committee, which was meant to quell prejudice; and endorsed the mayor's immigration plan.
The plan ostensibly will target only serious criminals for deportation and remains in the planning stages. But fear and confusion are pervasive in the city's barrios, and the conversation keeps turning to what is perceived as an ominous alliance between la policia and la migra, the Border Patrol.
"There's a lot of people thinking that on Jan. 1, police officers were allowed to arrest anyone who is walking, driving or riding a bike who looks Hispanic," said Paty Madueno, who manages apartments on the Westside.
At the Vista Center on 19th Street, which includes the El Metate market and a panaderia, or bakery, merchants say business has been suffering. "People are staying inside, in the house," said Nelson Lopez, 36, a Guatemalan immigrant who works the counter of the Dollar Mart.
Opponents say the plan threatens to erode the already tenuous bonds between the city's police and Latino residents, some of whom refuse to report crime for fear of harassment or deportation.
Costa Mesa Police Cpl. Doug Johnson, who patrolled the Westside for more than two years, said he found Latinos wary of his badge long before the mayor announced his plan.
"The majority of the people, unless you make contact, they turn away or look away," Johnson said. "People who got beat up on the streets or even robbed, they were hesitant [to call]. It would have to be someone who witnessed it who called it in."
At City Hall, immigrant-rights advocates are converging from across the Southland to denounce the immigration plan. And border-crackdown activists are coming to hail it, hoping it portends broader change.
"This will be the testing ground for the country," Gilchrist said before a recent council meeting.
Councilwoman Katrina Foley, who voted against the plan, said she thought outsiders had hijacked city politics. Foley said her constituents wondered why the city was taking on a federal issue. They are more concerned, she said, about getting lighted fields and breakfast eateries in their neighborhoods.
"People outside of Costa Mesa have taken over the discussion, so reasonable-minded residents have been taken out of the discussion," she said. "Unfortunately, our city has become the lightning rod for a political issue that is consuming all of our resources and time."
Saturday, February 25, 2006
Thursday, February 23, 2006
Power Plant Is Opposed
A poor Riverside County area would be hurt by the project, says a group planning to sue.
A power plant touted by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and General Electric for its ability to reduce air pollution will actually spew nearly three times more unhealthful particulate matter into the air than older facilities, a coalition of environmental and labor groups said Wednesday.
The plant, under construction in the impoverished, largely Latino Riverside County community of Romoland, will sit about 1,000 feet from an elementary school, in a region that already suffers from the highest soot levels in the state.
"Any power plant built so near schools and families must follow clean air laws and not make our air quality any worse," said Roland Skumawitz, superintendent of the Romoland School District. He said he recognized the need for power in the fast-growing Inland Empire, but preferred that GE and another company that has applied to build a second plant nearby help pay to move the school to a new site.
"This whole area is being targeted for these kinds of facilities," said Penny Newman, executive director of the Center for Community Action and Environmental Justice in Riverside. She said GE's application to the regional air district showed that while the new, so-called H-style turbine plant might reduce greenhouse gas-causing emissions slightly, it would nearly triple particulate emissions.
"You can't trash a local community just because you may save a little somewhere else," she said.
Riverside County already suffers from some of the state's highest levels of particulate pollution, which studies have found can cause or worsen lung disease, childhood asthma and other illnesses.
Late Wednesday, the coalition mailed 60-day notices of intent to sue for violation of the Clean Air Act to the GE subsidiary building the $1-billion plant and to the South Coast Air Quality Management District, which in August issued a permit for the plant. But the group's attorney, Marc Joseph of Adams, Broadwell, Joseph & Cardozo in South San Francisco, said it would prefer not to sue and just wants the project changed.
"We would be very happy if GE's claim that this is a power plant that's good for the environment were true, but at the moment, it's not. What we are seeking is for GE to live up to its advertising…. The technology exists to have power plants which don't increase downwind pollution illegally."
Spokesmen for both General Electric and the air district said they had not received the complaint and could not comment.
GE Energy spokesman Dennis Murphy said the Romoland facility was the first of its kind in North America, and the second globally after a similar plant in Wales.
He said it was a demonstration plant to show that greenhouse gas emissions could be cut by increasing the efficiency of natural gas used.
"We're very optimistic about the future of the technology," he said. "The project is designed to be more environmentally compatible."
As for the location, he said, "this was a very solid place to site the plant, to meet the needs of the entire area, which is very hungry for power."
The plant has no commercial customers yet, but the power it generates could be sold on the state's grid to serve 600,000 households, according to company officials and its website.
Greenhouse gas emissions are different ingredients of air pollution than particulate matter and are not regulated, said air district spokesman Sam Atwood. Particulates are regulated, but the notices allege that the agency ignored its own particulate standards to give special treatment to GE.
Countered Atwood: "We did a thorough review of their permit application, along with detailed modeling we required of them, and it did meet our requirements."
The documents and Joseph also allege that the air district illegally allowed GE far cheaper "emissions offsets," or payments for pollution, than market rate offsets that could cost millions more. The cheaper offsets were established for emergency providers such as hospitals, police and fire stations.
Atwood and attorneys for the air district noted that any application for a new power plant deemed complete by the California Energy Commission by the end of 2003, during the state energy crisis, could qualify to use the lower rates.
Calpine Corp., a power generator and the original site owner, applied for a traditional turbine plant permit that year, then sold the site, project name and approvals to GE last year. Schwarzenegger praised the agreement between the two utilities for a 775-megawatt power plant last year, saying in a statement that it was "fantastic news for California…. The plant's planned use of state-of-the-art turbine technology will produce more power with lower emissions than any power plant in its class."
Darrel Ng, the governor's spokesman on energy issues, said Wednesday: "We're going to decline comment on a lawsuit we are not party to."
Bob Balgenorth, president of the California Building Trades Council and chief of a group known as California Unions for Reliable Energy, which is funding the legal challenge to the site, said the two groups have "no fight with the governor" and that Schwarzenegger may have been misinformed by the power companies.
"They claim they're using state-of-the-art technology here. That's what GE told everybody when they first filed the application, but their own numbers show a violation of federal laws. It's crazy," he said. "They promised us a diamond and they're giving us zirconia. What you've got is a plant that actually produces more pollution than a whole previous generation of plants."
Thursday, February 02, 2006
Bono calls on U.S. to give part of budget to poor
U2 frontman cites religious text at breakfast attended by Bush
WASHINGTON - Quoting from Islamic, Jewish and Christian texts, rock star Bono called Thursday for the U.S. government to give an additional 1 percent of the federal budget to the world’s poor.Speaking to President Bush and members of Congress at the National Prayer Breakfast, the U2 front man said it’s unjust to keep poor people from selling their goods while singing the virtues of the free market, to hold children to ransom for the debts of their grandparents and to withhold medicines that would save lives.
“God will not accept that,” he said. “Mine won’t. Will yours?”
Vote at this poll: Should the U.S. take Bono's advice?--------------------------------------------------------------------
how sad is this? in the same article... there are links to these issues:
• Bush to seek $120 billion for wars
but what about africa!!
but what about africa!!
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